တုိင္းရင္းသားအသံ တရားမွ်တမွဳအတြက္တုိက္ပြဲဝင္အသံမ်ား

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(Ashley South ေရးသားသည္၊ ေနရွင္းသတင္စား၊)

ေရႊ၀ါေရာင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးကုိ ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ဆက္လက္ဖိႏွိပ္ေနျခင္းဟာ ဗမာျပည္မွာ ထိတ္လန္.ဖြယ္ေကာင္းေသာ လူ.အခြင့္အေရး ႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအေျခအေနမ်ားကုိ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအာရုံစုိက္ မွဳေအာက္မွာျပန္လည္ေရာက္ရွိသြားပါသည္။
ရန္ကုန္ျမိဳ.ႏွင့္ တျခားျမဳိ.ေတြမွာ ရဟန္းသံဃာေတာ္မ်ား ႏွင့္ အရပ္သားမ်ားကုိ ဖမ္းဆီး၊သတ္ျဖတ္သည့္ပုံရိပ္လႊာေတြဟာ ယဥ္ေက်းတဲ့ျပည္သူလူထုတုိ.အား တုန္လွဳပ္ေျခာက္ျခားသြားေစခဲ့သည္၊
နာလည္သေဘာေပါက္ထားတာက နအဖ စစ္အစုိးရ ရဲ.လုပ္ရပ္ေတြအေပၚ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာသည့္ စက္ဆုပ္ရြ.ံရွာေသာခံစားခ်က္သည္ ရာစုႏွစ္တ၀က္ေလာက္ (၁၉၆၂ႏွစ္၊စစ္အာဏာသိမ္းပြဲကတည္က)ဗမာျပည္ကုိ လြဲမွားစြာအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္လာခဲ့ေသာစစ္ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေတြကုိ မာမာမတ္မတ္ အေရးယူေပးဖုိ.ေတာင္းဆုိခ်က္ဆီး ဦးတည္သြားေစပါသည္၊
တုိင္းသူျပည္သားတုိ.၏ လူအခြင့္အေရး၊အရပ္သားအခြင့္အေရး ႏွင့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအခြင့္အေရးမ်ားကုိ ပုိးျပီးေလစားလာေအာင္ ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရအား ဘယ္လုိတုိက္တြန္းေဖ်ာင္းဖ် ရမလဲဆုိတဲ့အခ်က္ဟာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ားအတြက္ စိန္ေခၚခံေနရတဲ့အခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါသည္၊
စစ္အစုိးရျပဳျပင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးမွာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ဒီမုိကေရစီဆီ တျဖည္းျဖည္းနဲ.ကူးေျပာင္းသြားရာမွာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ျမန္ျမန္ဆန္ဆန္စစ္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဳပုံစံေျပာင္းေစရာမွာပဲျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ဤလုိအပ္ခ်က္ေတြ ဟာအေခ်အတင္ေဆြးေႏြးစရာမ်ားျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ ရွင္းေနတဲ့အခ်က္တခ်က္ကေတာ့ ဗမာျပည္မွာ အေျပာင္းအလဲလုိအပ္ေနတယ္ ဆုိတဲ့အခ်က္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ မၾကာမီေပါ့၊
ထုိအေတာအတြင္း၌ ေက်းလက္ေဒသေတြမွာရွိတဲ့ျပည္သူလူထုေတြအတြက္ေတာ့ ဘာမွ သိပ္ၾကီးၾကီးက်ယ္ယ္ေျပာင္းလဲမသြားပါဘူး၊ သူတုိ.အုပ္စုကေတာ့ ဗမာစစ္တပ္ႏွင့္ဗမာစစ္အစုိးရတုိ. ၏ဖိႏွိပ္မွဳေတြရယ္၊ တခါတလည္က်ေတာ့လဲ အစိုးရမဟုတ္ေသာလက္နက္ကုိင္အဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ား၏ဖိႏွိပ္မွဳေတြရယ္ ဆက္လက္ခံစားေနရဆဲပါ၊
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ေက်းလက္ေဒသေတြမွာရွိတဲ့တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိး စုမ်ား၏အေျခအေနအတြက္ေတာ့အထူးခက္ခဲပါတယ္၊သူတုိ.တေတြဟာလက္နက္ကုိင္တုိက္ပြဲပ႗ိပကၡဒဏ္ေတြရယ္၊ဆည္းေျမာင္စသည့္ၾကီးက်ယ္ေသာေဆာက္လုပ္ေရးစီမံကိန္ရဲ.ျခိမ္းေျခာက္မွဳဒဏ္ေတြရယ္၊သစ္ေတြခုတ္လဲမွဳ၊မုိင္ေတြတူးေဖၚမွဳစသည့္သဘာ၀ထုတ္ယူမွဳေၾကာင့္လူေနထုိင္မွဳဘ၀ထိခုိက္မွဳဒဏ္ေတြရယ္၊ ျပီေတာ့ သူတုိ.လယ္ေျမေတြကုိစစ္အစုိးရနဲ.တျခာအာဏာရွိသူတုိ.၏သိမ္းယူမွဳဒဏ္ေတြကုိပါ ခံေနၾကရပါတယ္၊
ႏုိင္ငံတကာအသုိင္းအ၀ုိင္းအေနနဲ.၎တုိ.၏ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡမ်ားကုိ မေမ့ဖုိ.အင္မတန္အေရးၾကီးပါတယ္၊ဒီကေန.ဟာ ဗမာျပည္မွာျပည္တြင္းဒုကၡသည္ ၅၀၀ ၀၀၀ေက်ာ္ေက်ာ္ရွိပါတယ္၊သူတုိ.အ မ်ားစုဟာ ျပည္တြင္းမွာ အဆင္းရဲဆုံးနဲ.အဖိႏွိပ္ခံရဆုံး လူမ်ဳိးေတြအထဲမွာ အမ်ားအားျဖင့္ ကရင္၊ကရင္နီ၊မြန္၊ရွမ္း လူမ်ဳိးေတြ ႏွင့္တျခားေသာလူနဲစုေတြျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံမွာ ဒုကၡသည္ စခန္းဆယ္ခုတြင္ေနထုိင္ေနေသာ ဒုကၡသည္ေပါင္း ၁၅၀ ၀၀၀ ႏွင့္ (ဗမာျပည္မွအမ်ားစုျဖစ္ေသာ) ေရႊ.ေျပာင္းအလုပ္သမားေပါင္း ႏွစ္သန္းခန္.တုိကုိလဲ စုိးရိမ္းမိပါတယ္၊
မၾကာမီရက္သတၱပတ္အတြင္းမွာ အစုိးရထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ရာေဒသေတြမွာလုပ္ေဆာင္ေနေသာ ႏုိင္ငံတကာ ႏွင့္ ေဒသဆုိင္ရာအဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ားျဖင့္အေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚေနသည့္ ျပည္တြင္းရွိ လူသားခ်င္းစာနာေထာက္ထားမွဳစီမံကိန္ေတြကုိအလွဴေငြထပ္ေပးမည္ ဟူေသာကတိက၀တ္ကုိ ႏုုိင္ငံတကာအလွဴရွင္မ်ားက ဗမာျပည္အေျခအေနအေပၚတုံ.ျပန္သြားပါသည္၊ ဤတုံ.ျပန္ခ်က္ဟာလုံး၀သင့္ေလ်ာ္မွဳရွိတဲ့တုံ.ျပန္ခ်က္ပါ၊ တျခားတူညီသည့္ ဖြံ.ျဖဳိးမွဳ ႏွင့္ဆင္းရဲႏြမ္းပါးမွဳကုိေဖာ္ျပေနေသာႏုိင္ငံမ်ားနဲ.စားယင္ဗမာျပည္ဟာ လူတစ္ဦးတစ္ေယာက္အတြက္ႏုိင္ငံျခားအကူအညီရရွိမွဳ အလြန္နဲပါတယ္၊ ဗမာျပည္မွာ ဆင္းရဲတဲ့ လူအုပ္စုေတြအတြက္ ပစ္မွတ္ထားျပီး အကူအညီထပ္ေပးသင့္တယ္ ဆုိတာကုိ က်ေနာ္ ျငင္းခုံေနတာၾကာလွပါျပီ၊ ၎အကူအညီဟာ ေဒသဆုိင္ရာလူထုအေျချပဳအဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ား ကြန္ယက္နဲ.ဘဲျဖစ္စ္ ႏွင့္ က်န္းမာေရးႏွင့္ပညာေရးဌာန စသည့္သင့္ေလ်ာ္တဲ့ အစုိးရ ဌာနေတြနဲ.ဘဲျဖစ္စ္ လက္တြဲျပီးအေကာင္အထည္ေဖၚသင့္ပါတယ္၊
ထုိေသာ္ျငားလည္း၊ ဗမာျပည္ကိုေပးတဲ့ႏုိင္ငံတကာအကူအညီကေတာ့ အလဟႆသုညရလဒ္လွည့္ကြက္မျဖစ္သင့္ပါဘူး၊ ျပည္တြင္းရွိ ဒုကၡေရာက္ေနသူမ်ားအား ေပးေနတဲ့အကူအညီကုိ နယ္စပ္ေဒသေတြမွာ ရွိတဲ့လူအုပ္စုေတြ၏ အသုံးစရိတ္ လုိ. မထည့္တြက္သင့္ဘူး၊ ဗမာျပည္အေရွ.ပုိင္း ႏွင့္ ထုိင္းႏုိင္ငံတြင္ရွိ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ား ႏွင့္ ျပည္တြင္းအုိးအိမ္မဲ့သူမ်ားအတြက္ေတာ့ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအကာအကြယ္ ႏွင့္အကူအညီေတြကုိ လုိအပ္ေနဆဲပါ၊
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သုိ.ေသာ္လည္းဘဲ၊ ထုိင္ႏုိင္ငံတြင္ ဒုကၡသည္ေတြကုိ ႏွစ္ဆယ္စုႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ ပံ့ပုိးကူညီေနျပီး ဗမာျပည္တြင္ အုိးအိမ္မဲ့သူမ်ား၏ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡေတြကုိ ႏုိင္ငံတကာအာရုံစုိက္လာေအာင္ ညြန္းျပခဲ့ေသာ အစုိးရမဟုတ္ေသာႏုိင္ငံတကာအဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ား အတြက္ေတာ့ ဘ႑ာေငြအက်ပ္အတည္းေတြနဲ. အျပင္းအထန္ရင္ဆုိင္ေနၾကရပါတယ္၊
Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC) အဖြဲ.ဟာ ဗမာျပည္မွ အုိးအိမ္မဲ့သူမ်ားအတြက္ အုိးအိမ္ မ်ားနဲ.အစားအစာမ်ားကုိေထာက္ပံ့ေပးေနတဲ့ အဓိကတာ၀န္ရွိ အန္ဂ်ီအုိ အဖြဲ.ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ လြန္ခဲ့ေသာႏွစ္အနည္းငယ္တြင္၊တီဘီဘီစီႏွင့္တျခားေသာအန္ဂ်ီအုိေတြအေနနဲ. အမ်ဳိးသမီးမ်ား၊အလႊာစုံလူနဲစုမ်ား ႏွင့္ လက္ေရြစင္မဟုတ္ေသာ လူစုမ်ား အပုိင္းမွာ စခန္း၏ အုပ္ ခ်ဳပ္မွဳအေရးကုိ ပူးေပါင္းပါ၀င္မွဳ ပုိးျပီး က်ယ္ျပန္.လာေအာင္ ဒုကၡသည္အဖြဲ.အစည္းမ်ား နဲ. ပူးေပါင္းလုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ပါတယ္၊
ယေန.ဆိုရင္ နယ္စပ္ရွိ ဒုကၡသည္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးအဖြဲ.ေတြက ”အေကာင္းဆုံးေလ့က်င့္မွဳ“ ဆုိတဲ့ စံနမူနာအျဖစ္ ရပ္တည္ေနပါတယ္၊ စခန္းတြင္ ကုိယ္စားျပဳ ေသာ အဖြဲ.အစည္းအသီးသီးကေတာ့ ကယ္ဆယ္ေရးအေထာက္အပံ့ပစၥည္းမ်ားျဖန္.ေ၀မွဳ၊ ႏွင့္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မွဳ ေတြအေပၚ ကုိယ္ပုိင္ဆုိင္တဲ့အဆင့္အတန္တစ္ခုကုိ ခံစားေနရျပီး ကမၻာတ၀ွမ္းရွိ ဒုကၡသည္အေျခအေနမ်ားတြင္ သာမန္ မ ဟုတ္ေသာအေျခအေနျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊ ထုိေသာ္ျငားလည္း၊ ၎တုိ.ေအာင္ျမင္မွဳမ်ားသည္၊ တျဖည္းျဖည္းနဲ.အႏၱရာယ္ဆုိက္ေရာက္ေနပါတယ္၊ အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္၊ ေရရွည္ေငြေၾကးျပတ္ေတာက္မွဳေၾကာင့္ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေတြကုိ ေပးေနတဲ့အေထာက္အပံ့ပစၥည္းမ်ား ျဖတ္ေတာက္ဖုိ.တီဘီဘီစီ အေနနဲ. ဖိအားေပခံေနရေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ပါတယ္၊
ထုိင္ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တစ္ေလွ်ာက္ရွိ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားနဲ.လုပ္ေဆာင္ေနေသာတီဘီဘီစီ ႏွင့္ တျခားေသာအန္ဂ်ီအုိတုိ.အား ႏွစ္ရွည္ၾကာေထာက္ပံ့ေပးလာခဲ့တဲ့ အလွဴရွင္ေတြအေနနဲ့ဆက္လက္ျပီးေထာက္ပ့ံေပးသင့္ပါတယ္၊တတိယႏုိင္ငံသုိ.အေျခခ်ေနထုိင္မွဳ ဆုိတဲ့ “ၾကာရွည္ခံအေျဖ“ကုိဒုကၡသည္ဦးေရအေျမာက္အမ်ား ေခၚေဆာင္ေနပါသျဖင့္ ဆယ္စုႏွစ္အတြင္း စခန္းေတြ ပိတ္သြားႏိုင္ပါတယ္၊ ထုိအေတာအတြင္း၌၊ ဘာပဲျဖစ္စ္ေပါ့၊ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းေတြမွာသြားေရာက္ေနထုိင္ခြင့္ရဖုိ.ထုိင္းအစုိးရအေနနဲ.ဘယ္ေလာက္ဘဲခက္ခက္ခဲခဲလုပ္ထားေစကာမူ ေထာင္နဲ.ခ်ီေသာလူေတြက နယ္စပ္ေဒသသုိ. လစဥ္ စုရုံးေရာက္ရွိလာေနတုန္ပဲ၊
ဗမာျပည္တြင္ျပည္တြင္းစစ္သည္၊ ၁၉၉၀ ႏွစ္ေႏွာင္ပုိင္းမွာ ေနာက္ဆုံးအခန္သုိ.ေရာက္သြားပါတယ္၊ နအဖနဲ.တုိက္ေနဆဲျဖစ္ေသာ က်န္ရွိတဲ့လက္နက္ကုိင္အဖြဲ.အနည္းငယ္တုိ.ဟာ အလြန္ဆုိးရြားေသာ အေျခအေနနဲ.ရင္ဆုိင္ေနရျပီး သူတုိ.ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားေသာနယ္ေျမေအာက္မွာေနထုိင္ေနသည့္ ျပည္သူလူထုေတြက ယခင္ကထက္ ပုိျပီး အႏၱရာယ္ဆုိက္ေရာက္ေနပါတယ္၊ ေၾကာက္မက္ဖြယ္ေကာင္းေသာ နယ္စပ္တေလွ်ာက္ရွိ လူသားခ်င္းအေျခအေနမ်ား၊ ဗမာျပည္တြင္း၊ျပည္ပမွအုိးအိမ္းမဲ့သူမ်ား၊ ႏွင့္ ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအား က်ေနာ္တုိ.၏ ဆက္လက္ေထာက္ပံ့မွဳကုိထုိက္ထုိက္တန္တန္ေပးၾကပါ၊ နယ္စပ္ေျမေပၚက လူေတြရဲ့ ၾကာရွည္ဆင္းရဲဒုကၡေတြကုိ ပစ္ထားဖုိ.အခ်ိန္မေရာက္ေသးဘူး၊၊
Crisis on the Burma border
The brutal and ongoing suppression of the “saffron revolution” has refocused international attention on the appalling human rights and political situation in Burma.
Published on December 20, 2007
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. Civilised people have been shocked by the images of Buddhist monks and other civilians being arrested and killed in Rangoon and other cities.
Understandably, revulsion at the actions of the SPDC regime has led to calls for firm action to be taken against the generals who have mismanaged Burma for nearly half a century (since the military takeover of 1962).
The challenge facing the international community is how to persuade the junta to better respect the human, civil and political rights of citizens. Whether this requires reform of the military government – and some kind of gradual transition to democracy – or a more abrupt form of regime change is debatable. What is clear, however, is that Burma needs change – and soon.
In the meantime, for people in rural areas, not much has changed. Communities continue to be subject to a range of abuses committed by the Burmese military and government, and sometimes by armed non-state groups. The situation is especially difficult for ethnic people in areas affected by armed conflict, or who are threatened by the construction of large-scale infrastructure projects such as dams, and whose livelihoods have been undermined by natural resource extraction (logging and mining), or because their land has been confiscated by the army or other powerful actors.
It is of the utmost importance that the international community does not forget the plight of these people. Today in Burma, more than 500,000 internally displaced people (IDPs), most of whom come from the Karen, Karenni, Mon, Shan and other minority groups, are among the most oppressed and needy people in the country. Also of concern are 150,000 refugees living in ten camps in Thailand, as well as some two million migrant workers in the kingdom (most of whom also come from Burma).
In recent weeks, some international donors have responded to the situation in Burma by committing additional money to humanitarian projects inside the country, implemented by international and local agencies working in government-controlled areas. This is an entirely appropriate response. Burma receives much less foreign aid per capita than other countries with similar development and poverty indicators. I have long argued that more aid should be targeted at needy groups in Burma, and that assistance projects should be implemented in partnership with local civil society networks, and – where appropriate – with some state agencies, such as the departments of health and education.
However, foreign aid to Burma should not be seen as a zero-sum game. Assistance to vulnerable groups inside the country should not be provided at the expense of communities in the border zones. Refugees and IDPs in eastern Burma and Thailand remain in need of international protection and assistance. However, the international NGOs which have for over two decades supplied the refugee camps in Thailand, and directed international awareness of the plight of IDPs in Burma, are currently experiencing a serious funding crisis.
The Thailand Burma Border Consortium (TBBC) is the main NGO responsible for providing food and shelter to displaced people from Burma. Over the past few years, the TBBC and other NGOs have worked with the refugee communities to ensure a greater degree of participation in the governance of the camps, on the part of women and various minority and non-elite groups.
Today, the refugee regime on the border stands as an example of “best practice”: the various communities represented in the camps enjoy a degree of ownership over administration and the distribution of relief supplies, which is unusual in refugee situations around the world. However, these achievements are in danger of being undermined, as the TBBC is being forced to cut supplies to the refugee camps due to a chronic lack of funding.
The donors who have for so many years supported the TBBC and other NGOs working with refugees along the Thailand border should continue to do so. With increasingly large numbers of refugees taking up the “durable solution” of resettlement in third countries, the camps may be closed within a decade. In the meantime however, thousands of people still flock to the border every month – although the Thai authorities are making it increasingly difficult for them to gain access to the refugee camps.
Since the late 1990s, the civil war in Burma has entered its final stage. The few remaining armed groups still at war with the SPDC are facing a desperate situation, and the civilian populations living in areas under their influence or control are more vulnerable than ever. Given the dire humanitarian situation along the border, IDPs and refugees in and from Burma deserve our continued support. Now is not the time to abandon the long-suffering people of the borderlands.
Ashley South
Ashley South is the author of several books and reports on Burma.

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